Introduction
The acceptance of biology as basic to and an integral part of sociology has a long and distinguished, though somewhat controversial, history. Ever since Comte set the feet of sociology upon the soil of biology, it has been more or less generally assumed, particularly by the so-called "biological school," that there it must walk. As this soil has given signs of being something of a quick-sand, protests have arisen (Tisdale, 1939).
On the other hand, there is an attractive analogy between nature and industry, based on the similarity of natural functions and certain industrial activities. For instance, animals ingest (eat) and digest food. Finally, there are metabolic wastes. Firms are analogous to organisms in several respects, insofar as they consume material resources, process (digest) them and produce output products and excrete wastes. Firms, like organisms, also compete with each other for resources (Ayres, 2004).
These contemplations first guide me to Karl Ludwig von Bertalanffy (1901-1972). Motivated by the Aristotelian worldview "the whole is more than the sum of its parts”, in the late 1920's von Bertalanffy writes; “Since the fundamental character of the living thing is its organization, the customary investigation of the single parts and processes cannot provide a complete explanation of the vital phenomena. This investigation gives us no information about the coordination of parts and processes. Thus the chief task of biology must be to discover the laws of biological systems (at all levels of organization). We believe that the attempts to find a foundation for theoretical biology point at a fundamental change in the world picture. This view, considered as a method of investigation, we shall call "organismic biology” and, as an attempt an explanation - the system theory of organism”(von Bertalanffy, 1972).
This statement was the seed of what later became known as general systems theory. Following on the footsteps of Herbert Spencer (1820-1903), who introduced the analogy of society as an organism (Spencer, 2002), if we replace the term "organism" in the above statements by other "organized entities," I envisage three key characteristics that apply to today’s highly dynamic and complex global organizations:
1. Fabric of organizations can be defined as; “a set of elements standing in interrelation among themselves and with the environment”. The set of differential factors stimulate system properties, such as wholeness and sum, stability, mechanization, growth, competition, final and equifinal behavior (von Bertalanffy, 1972).
2. These differential factors comprise both internal and environmental components, which they continuously interact. Drawing on the nucleus of Luhmann’s autopoietic social systems theory (Luhmann, 1995), for social systems (including organizations) this interaction takes place in the form of a communicative process that makes sense of their environment through autonomous functional subsystems of science, economics, politics, art, media, law, education and religion. The autonomy of these subsystems does not mean that they are completely independent of one another, but that they are mutually independent with respect to the development of the function domain of which they are in charge (Braeckman, 2006).
3. The usually accepted assumptions of the biological analogies underlying the analysis of institutionalization lend themselves to life cycle metaphor. That is to say that the institutionalization process is seen to be evolutionary, cumulative, path-dependent, leveling off at a given level of established practice and, possibly, entering a period of decline (Loveridge, 2006).
Conversely, the life cycle concept prompts a strong rebuttal for being overly simplistic, and therefore, of little predictive value by modern population ecologists, as a metaphor or "naive model”. On the other hand, it can serve as an initial framework for observation of organizations, allowing for the level of analysis, conceptualization of time, and sources of variation pose common constraints on the use of life-cycle concepts across the social sciences. This basic conceptualization provides an "ideal type" of developmental process from which its alternatives diverge (O'Rand & Krecker, 1990).
These three aspects broadly define organizational ecology by focusing on the environmental and organizational determinants of the formation and structuration of the firm, including organizational life cycle transitions and the competitive and demographic structures of industries.
This paper explores the cogency of these notions by deploying an interdisciplinary mathematical expression to facilitate a systematic analysis of the following parameters:
Where:
Ɵ = Macro (External) Environment μ = Micro (Internal) Environment
P = Political Factors Fμ = Organizational Forces
Ec = Economic Factors Cμ = Organizational Forms, Structures
S = Social Factors D = Direction
T = Technological Factors Pr = Proficiency
En = Environmental Factors Ef = Efficiency
L = Legal Factors C = Concentration
ƒ = Function I = Innovation
D = Interdependence, Δ = Delta (Change) , t = Time (life Cycle), n = Factorial
Ɵ = ƒ (P x Ec x S x T x E x L x n)
μ = (Fμ + Cμ,) x ƒ(t)
Where; Fμ = ƒ (D x Pr x Ef x C x I) + Cμ, Therefore; Δ = ƒ (Ɵ x μ)
Fundamentally, this hypothesis argues that internal and external ecological (i.e. macro and micro environmental) parameters:
§ Drive organizational actions in response to environmental factors.
§ These environmental factors and responses affect organizational forms and forces.
§ Simultaneously, historical conditions (i.e. life cycle) influence and shape organizational goals, forms, structures, configurations and activities.
§ These actions differentiate organizations and their strategies, ultimately determining why some succeed and some fail.